That is, of course, the classic effect how gerrymanders work. Of course, she also won a few other states, some by large margins, but the margin in California was higher than the nationwide margin. Another example of intentional state-level gerrymandering is the "Free State Project" , which aims to recruit 20, libertarian volunteers to move to a low-population state they selected New Hampshire in order to "take over" that state.
Sign up to join this community. The best answers are voted up and rise to the top. Stack Overflow for Teams — Collaborate and share knowledge with a private group. Create a free Team What is Teams? Learn more. Does gerrymandering not affect elections for US Senators? Ask Question. Asked 4 years, 4 months ago. Active 24 days ago. Viewed 15k times. Improve this question. Rick Smith Wouldn't effect governors, either. You answered your own question, with good reasoning and correct facts.
So I wonder why you asked it at all? Doesn't appear to be the case this time though. Show 1 more comment. Active Oldest Votes. Currently gerrymandering has no effect on US Senators. Improve this answer. Moreover, states should draw districts that are reasonably competitive, so that when voters change their minds, they can also change their representatives.
The numbers show that representation in the United States is far from fair, but with straightforward policy changes, citizens can have maps that are fair. Danielle Root. Watkins , Dominik Whitehead. Peter Gordon Director, Government Affairs. You Might Also Like. May 14, Danielle Root. May 28, Danielle Root. The Democrats hid out in Oklahoma in a Holiday Inn, under assumed names.
Until now, redistricting has not been one of them. When the lines were ultimately drawn, they moved about , Latino voters out of one district in order to protect an incumbent who was beginning to lose the support of the Latino population. Latinos had recently become the majority of the eligible population in the district, when they were replaced by voters more likely to support the incumbent. In , Texas had another opportunity to redraw district lines.
The legislature effectively did the same thing, in the same place, to the same Latino voters. In , race riots in Los Angeles took a heavy financial toll on businesses in many neighborhoods, including the area known as Koreatown.
The redistricting map, it appeared, had fractured Koreatown — an area barely over one square mile — into four City Council districts and five state Assembly districts. As a result, no legislator felt responsible to the Asian-American community. Goodwill poisoned by the redistricting process can spill over into the entire rest of the legislative term. Indeed, in Illinois, this sort of behavior seems well within the norm.
In , in a dispute over the handling of a redistricting plan, a legislator on the floor of the Statehouse charged the Senate President — whereupon a legislative colleague and former Golden Gloves boxer punched him in the face.
It would eliminate the ability of any one party to make all of the decisions, and it would give communities of color more legal tools to argue for districts that are electorally favorable. Li: This upcoming redistricting cycle will take place much later than normal. Usually, most states complete the redistricting process by the end of summer.
From a legal standpoint, some states will have to make emergency changes to the deadlines that are in their laws. Redistricting in a lot of states will take place in a special session, which is oftentimes a rushed affair with fewer procedural protections.
The potential short-circuiting of litigation time is especially worrying. Historically, redistricting was done by the summer, which gave you at least six to nine months to bring legal challenges to try to win changes to maps before they went into effect. Now, you may have weeks instead of months, which increases the likelihood that discriminatory maps will be used for at least the elections before changes get ordered in. That, again, will cut sharply against communities of color. Li: The good news is that there are lots of ways to make the process better.
By far the strongest way is for states to establish independent commissions that have strong rules for drawing maps, independently select commissioners, remove political parties from direct roles in the process, require pan-partisan support in order to pass a map, and allow for public participation and transparency in the process. A well-designed commission creates a system of checks and balances to ensure that even if something goes awry — if, for example, there is a rogue commissioner — there are safeguards.
Reforms such as independent redistricting commissions help make that process public and enable people to see what is going on and to submit their own thoughts. Drawing maps requires balancing competing demands, and that often can be contentious.
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